There's a surprising point of Africa’s overseas relief that's virtually fullyyt overlooked: due to the fact that 2013, virtually half Africa’s best relief recipients were governed by means of authoritarian one-party states. Many foreign donors equivalent to USAID, DFID, the realm financial institution, and the eu fee have watched their reduction rules turning into more and more entangled with the agendas of governmental elites. the location activates an uncomfortable query: to what quantity are overseas relief courses now truly perpetuating authoritarian rule in Africa?
Aid and Authoritarianism in Africa sheds much-needed gentle at the ethical dilemmas and political intricacies raised by way of the toxic courting among overseas relief and autocratic rule. best specialists at the political events in Ethiopia, Uganda, Rwanda, Cameroon, Mozambique, and Angola give a contribution essays that disclose the effect of overseas relief on army counsel, rural improvement, electoral approaches, and family politics.
Offering a arguable but the most important argument at the perpetuation of authoritarianism in Africa, this booklet could be an indispensible source for students and activists drawn to the connection among improvement relief and politics within the modern panorama.
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Extra resources for Aid and Authoritarianism in Africa: Development without Democracy
The manner in which donors perceive the relationship between democracy and security makes these incongruities both easier to explain and to tolerate. The reinterpretation of democracy and security has not only led to a reallocation of aid towards countries considered strategically important, it has also led to increased support for various security and military efforts on the continent. After the OECD’s influential Development Assistance Committee broadened the definition of what counts as official development assistance (ODA) to include contributions to security sectors, reported spending on security sector reform (SSR) increased threefold from 2004 and 2007 (Muggah & Downes, 2010: 144).
In Mauritania and Niger, for example, aid was suspended following a military coup and unconstitutional changes to the presidential term limits respectively, but in both countries assistance was restored following elections in 2009 and 2011. As in Mauritania and Niger, elections or the promise of elections often function as the trigger for the restoration of foreign aid. Elections, in this sense, are treated as a proxy for democracy; they are easy to monitor, they have a defined beginning and end, and they create a presumption of relative democracy.
HM Government (2010), Securing Britain in an age of uncertainty: the strategic defence and security review, HM Government, London. Hofmeyr, J (2013), ‘Africa rising? Popular dissatisfaction with economic management despite a decade of growth’, Afrobarometer, Policy Brief No. 2. Howell, J & Lind, J (2009), Counterterrorism, aid and civil society: before and after the war on terror, PalgraveMacmillan, Basingstoke, UK. Huysmans, J (2004), ‘Minding exceptions: the politics of insecurity and liberal democracy’, Contemporary Political Theory, vol.
Aid and Authoritarianism in Africa: Development without Democracy