By Amy G. Mazur
Theorizing Feminist coverage avoids the standard conflict among feminist research and non-feminist social technology in mapping out the recent box of feminist comparative coverage. in its place, it intersects empirical feminist coverage research with non-feminist coverage reviews to outline and give a contribution to this new and rising box of research. Consulting a large sweep of empirical and theoretical paintings, the publication first defines Feminist Comparative coverage exhibiting the way it dialogs with the adjoining non-feminist parts of Comparative Public coverage, Comparative Politics, and Public coverage reports. It then seeks then to reinforce one of many weakest hyperlinks of this new region - the learn of explicitly feminist govt motion. within the final chapters, the books defines feminist coverage as a separate region, with 8 sub sectors. It develops a qualitative and comparative framework for analysing the profiles and forms of feminist coverage in put up business democracies and makes use of the framework to check twenty seven various instances of feminist coverage formation throughout 13 diversified nations.
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Extra info for Theorizing Feminist Policy (Gender and Politics Series)
The idea that women's situations need to be targeted in comparison with men's without making them the same, an idea advanced by feminists focused on difference, is an important element as well. 7 Moderate feminists may shy away from what they see as more radical terms ‘patriarchy’ and ‘male oppression’. Here, gender hierarchies consist of socially deﬁned asymmetric relations between men and women that have been a part of the development of contemporary Western societies and that underpin women's inferior status in comparison with men's.
As both feminist and non-feminist policy analysts argue, studying policies over an extended period of time provides a more accurate picture of policy dynamics and determinants. For instance, Abrar, Lovenduski, and Margetts (1998: 169) ﬁnd in their study of policy in municipal government in Britain that ‘feminist success in highlighting the gender dimensions of a policy resulted from activity sustained over a long period of time’. Likewise, Sabatier (1993: 16) asserts that ‘understanding the process of policy change .
In particular, the model suggests that the policy style of a given sub-system may actually be an important intervening inﬂuence between contextual factors and the speciﬁc proﬁle of individual policies. First introduced in the 1980s by Richardson (1982), Freeman (1985), and others, the notion of policy styles is used to analyse the general dynamics of how state and society actors interrelate and eventually inﬂuence policy-making processes within the policy sub-system. 1 Model for hypothesized relationships in feminist policy formation recent debates about the properties of policy sub-systems, called also ‘networks’, ‘communities’, and so forth.
Theorizing Feminist Policy (Gender and Politics Series) by Amy G. Mazur